Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech, Oslo, Norway 4 November 1954
노벨상 수상 연설 1954년 11월 4일 노르웨이 오슬로
The Problem of Peace
For the subject of my lecture, a redoubtable honor imposed by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize, I have chosen the problem of peace as it is today. In so doing, I believe that I have acted in the spirit of the founder of this prize who devoted himself to the study of the problem as it existed in his own day and age, and who expected his Foundation to encourage consideration of ways to serve the cause of peace.
I shall begin with an account of the situation at the end of the two wars through which we have recently passed.
본문해석+문법분석
The Problem of Peace - 평화의 문제
For the subject of my lecture, a redoubtable honor imposed by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize, I have chosen the problem of peace as it is today.
- 노벨 평화상 수상으로 인한 엄청난 영광인 제 연설 주제로, 저는 오늘날과 같은 평화의 문제를 선택했습니다.
- the lecture와 a redoubtable honor는 동격임 / honor (which is) imposed by[~에 의해 부과된] / the subject = the problem of peace
- lecture [léktʃəːr]n. C ① 강의, 강연, 강의 / redoubtable [ridáutəb-əl] a. 가공할, 무서운(적 따위). / impose [impóuz] vt. (의무·세금·벌 따위를) 지우다, 과(課)하다, 부과하다, (inflict) (on, upon)
In so doing, I believe that I have acted in the spirit of the founder of this prize who devoted himself to the study of the problem as it existed in his own day and age, and who expected his Foundation to encourage consideration of ways to serve the cause of peace.
- 그렇게 할 때, 이 상의 창시자가 자신의 시대에 존재했던 것과 같은 문제의 연구에 헌신했고 그의 재단이 평화의 대의 기여하는 여러 방식의 고찰을 장려할 것을 기대하는 그의 정신을 기리면서 저는 행동해 왔다고 믿습니다.
- the founder ~ who devoted ~, and who expected ~ [~에 헌신했고, ~을 기대했던 창시자(설립자)] / devote oneself to[~에 헌신하다, 전념하다, 몰두하다, 빠지다, (~을) 열애하다(to)] / as it existed in[~에 존재했던 것과 같은]
- consideration [kənsìdəréiʃən] n. 고려, 숙려(熟廬), 고찰. (남에 대한) 동정 / cause [kɔːz] n. U,C ① 원인([opp.] effect); 이유(reason); 동기(for) ② 주의, 주장; 대의
I shall begin with an account of the situation at the end of the two wars through which we have recently passed.
- 저는 우리가 최근 경험했던 2개의 전쟁의 끝에 선 상황에 관한 설명으로 시작하려 합니다.
- shall[결의의 객관적인 표현 꼭 ~한다] / begin with[~로 시작하다] / we have recently passed[현재완료 경험] through the two wars
- account [əkáunt] n. ① 계산, 청구서. ② 설명; (자세한) 이야기; 기술, 기사
동의어/반의어
- impose v. dictate[díkteit]받아 쓰기하다, 명령하다, enjoin[endʒɔ́in], force[fɔːrs] upon, inflict[inflíkt]상처를 입히다, assess[əsés]평가하다, charge[tʃɑːrdʒ], exact[igzǽkt]요구하다, levy[lévi]세금을 과하다, inconvenience[ìnkənvíːnjən]~에게 폐를 끼치다, intrude[intrúːd]
- consideration n. attention[əténʃən], meditation[mèdətéiʃ-ən], courtesy[kɔ́ːrtəsi], respect[rispékt], tact[tækt]재치, 요령, thoughtfulness[ɵɔ́ːtfəlnis], cause[kɔːz], recompense[rékəmpèns]보수, 보답 ant. disregard[dìsrigɑ́ːrd]무시, insensitivity[insènsətívət]
The statesmen who were responsible for shaping the world of today through the negotiations which followed each of these two wars found the cards stacked against them. Their aim was not so much to create situations which might give rise to widespread and prosperous development as it was to establish the results of victory on a permanent basis. Even if their judgment had been unerring, they could not have used it as a guide. They were obliged to regard themselves as the executors of the will of the conquering peoples. They could not aspire to establishing relations between peoples on a just and proper basis; all their efforts were taken up by the necessity of preventing the most unreasonable of the demands made by the victors from becoming reality; they had, moreover, to convince the conquering nations to compromise with each other whenever their respective views and interests conflicted.
본문해석+문법분석
The statesmen who were responsible for shaping the world of today through the negotiations which followed each of these two wars found the cards stacked against them.
- 이 각각의 두 전쟁에 따른 협상을 통하여 오늘날의 세계를 만들 책임을 진 정치인들은 부정한 방법으로 친 카드(수단)가(이) 자신들에 불리하다는 것을 알았습니다.
- The statesman[주어] who[주격 관계대명사] were responsible for[~을 책임진 정치인들] / the negotiations which[주격 관계대명사] followed[~에 따라, 뒤로하여] / found[동사] the cards[목적어] (which were) stacked[부정으로 친 카드(수단)] against them[목적격 보어: 5형식]
- statesman [stéitsmən] n. (pl. -men [-mən]) 정치가 / negotiation [nigòuʃiéiʃən] n. C,U (종종 pl.) 협상, 교섭, 절충. / card [kɑːrd] n. 좋은 수; 「일반적」 수단, 방책. / stack [stæk] vt. ① (카드를) 부정한 방법으로 치다.
Their aim was not so much to create situations which might give rise to widespread and prosperous development as it was to establish the results of victory on a permanent basis.
- 그들의 목표는 광범하고 번영하는 발전으로 도약할 상황을 창출하기 보다는 영구적인 기반 하에 승리의 결과를 확립하는 것이었습니다.
- not so much ┅ as＿ ┅라기보다는 오히려-: He is not so much a scholar as a poet. 그는 학자라기보다는 오히려 시인이다.
- widespread [wáidspréd] a. 대폭적인, 광범한. / prosperous [prɑ́spərəs / prɔ́s-] a. 번영하는, 성공한. / establish [istǽbliʃ] vt. 확립하다, 설치[설립]하다, (제도·법률 등을) 제정하다. / permanent [pə́ːrmənənt] a. 영구한, 영속하는; 불변의, 내구성의
Even if their judgment had been unerring, they could not have used it as a guide. They were obliged to regard themselves as the executors of the will of the conquering peoples.
- 비록 그들의 판단이 과실이 없었을 지라도, 그들은 그것을 길잡이로 사용하지 못했던 것 같습니다. 그들은 자신들을 정복하는 민족들의 의지를 집행하는 자들로 간주하지 않을 수 없었습니다.
- even if[양보절: though 비록 ~일지라도] / 주어+could have+과거분사」 ┅이었을는지도 모른다(현재에서 본 과거의 추측). / used A[it=their judgment] as B[a guide] : A를 B로 사용한 / be[were] obliged to[~하지 않을 수 없다] / regard A[themselves] as B[the executors] : A를 B로 간주하다.
- unerring [ʌnə́ːriŋ] a. 잘못이 없는, 틀림없는, 확실한, 아주 바른.
They could not aspire to establishing relations between peoples on a just and proper basis; all their efforts were taken up by the necessity of preventing the most unreasonable of the demands made by the victors from becoming reality; they had, moreover, to convince the conquering nations to compromise with each other whenever their respective views and interests conflicted.
- 그들은 공정하고 적절한 토대 위에서 민족들 사이에 관계를 설정하는 것을 열망할 수 없었습니다. 즉, 모든 그들의 노력은 승리에 의한 요구의 가장 불합리한 것들이 현실이 되는 것을 막고자하는 필요성에 소진되었습니다. 즉, 더욱이 그들은, 그들 각자의 견해와 이해가 상충될 땐 언제나, 정복하는 국가들이 서로 타협하도록 납득시켜야만 했습니다.
- a just and proper basis[공정하고 적절한 토대 위에서] / all their efforts were taken up by[모든 그들의 노력은 ~에 의해 소진되었다] / preventing A[the most ~] from B[becoming reality] : A가 B되는 것을 막는(방해하는) / convince A[the conquering nations] to B[compromise with] : A가 B하도록 설득하다 / whenever[복합 관계 부사: ~할 때 언제나]
- aspire [əspáiər] vi. 열망하다, 갈망하다. / moreover [mɔːróuvəːr] ad. 그 위에, 더욱이, 또한 / compromise [kɑ́mprəmàiz] v. vt. ① 타협[절충]하여 처리하다, 화해하다. ② (명예·평판·신용 따위를) 더럽히다, 손상하다. / respective [rispéktiv] a. 각각의, 각자의
동의어/반의어
- negotiation v. bargain[bɑ́ːrgən], dicker[díkər]값을 흥정하다, haggle[hǽgəl]짓궃게 값을 깍다, arbitrate[ɑ́ːrbitrèit]중재하다, intercede[ìntərsíːd] mediate[míːdièit]
- compromise n. understanding[ʌ̀ndərstǽndiŋ]협정, arbitration[ɑ̀ːrbitréiʃən], concession[kənséʃən]양보, mediation[mìːdiéiʃ-ən] v. discredit[diskrédit], endanger[endéindʒər]위태롭게 하다, jeopardize[dʒépərdàiz], risk[risk] ant. disagreement[dìsəgríːmənt], dispute[dispjúːt], maintain[meintéin], assure[əʃúər]
The true source of what is untenable in our present situation - and the victors are beginning to suffer from it as well as the vanquished - lies in the fact that not enough thought was given to the realities of historical fact and, consequently, to what is just and beneficial. The historical problem of Europe is conditioned by the fact that in past centuries, particularly in the so-called era of the great invasions, the peoples from the East penetrated farther and farther into the West and Southwest, taking possession of the land1. So it came about that the later immigrants intermingled with the earlier already established immigrants.
본문해석+문법분석
The true source of what is untenable in our present situation - and the victors are beginning to suffer from it as well as the vanquished - lies in the fact that not enough thought was given to the realities of historical fact and, consequently, to what is just and beneficial.
- 우리의 현재 상황을 지지할 수 없는 진정한 근거는 - 즉 전승자들이 정복당한 자 뿐만 아니라 승리로부터 고통을 받기 시작한다는 것 - 충분한 사고가 역사적 사실의 진실에, 결국, 정당하고 혜택이 되는 쪽으로 주어지지 못한 사실에 근거합니다.
- suffer from B[it=victory] as well as A[the vanquished=the defeated] : A뿐만 아니라 B도 고통을 받는다 / lies in the fact that[동격절: ~하는 사실]
- untenable [ʌnténəbəl] a. 유지[지지, 옹호]할 수 없는; 거주[점유]할 수 없는(토지 따위). / vanquish [vǽŋkwiʃ, vǽn-] vt. ~에게 이기다, 정복하다; (감정 등을) 극복하다. / beneficial [bènəfíʃəl] a. 유익한, 이익을 가져오는(to).
The historical problem of Europe is conditioned by the fact that in past centuries, particularly in the so-called era of the great invasions, the peoples from the East penetrated farther and farther into the West and Southwest, taking possession of the land.
- 유럽의 역사적인 문제는 지난 수 세기에 걸쳐, 특히, 위대한 정복이라 불리는 시대에서 동방의 민족들이 더더욱 깊게 서방과 동서로 침입하여, 영토를 빼앗던 사실에 좌우되고 있습니다.
- is conditioned by the fact that[동격절: ~라는 사실에 좌우되다] / farther[far의 정도의 비교급] and farther[더더욱 깊숙이(넓게)] / taking[=and took]
- condition [kəndíʃən] vt. ~의 필요조건이 되다, (사정 따위가) ┅을 결정하다. / era [íərə, érə] n. 기원; 연대, 시대, 시기(epoch). / invasion [invéiʒən] n. U,C 침략; (권리 따위의) 침해. / penetrate [pénətrèit] vt. 관통하다, 침입하다.
So it came about that the later immigrants intermingled with the earlier already established immigrants.
- 그래서 이후의 이민자들이 초기의 이미 정착한 이민자들과 혼합되는 사태가 발생하였습니다.
- it[를 주어로 하여] came about[~의 사태가 벌어지다]
- †immigrant [ímigrənt] n. (타국에서의) 이주자, 이민. / intermingle [ìntərmíŋgəl] vi. 혼합되다(with).
동의어/반의어
- beneficial a. advantageous[æ̀dvəntéidʒəs], availing[əvéilíŋ], helpful[hélpfəl], propitious[prəpíʃəs]순조로운, 상서로운, useful[júːsfəl] ant. harmful[hɑ́ːrmfəl]
- penetrate v. infiltrate[infíltreit], ingress[íngres], perforate[pə́ːrfərèit], pierce[piərs], prick[prik](바늘 따위로)찌르다, puncture[pʌ́ŋktʃər], permeate[pə́ːrmièit]스며들다, pervade[pərvéid]넓이 퍼지다, saturate[sǽtʃərèit]적시다, comprehend[kɑ̀mprihénd]이해하다, discern[disə́ːrn]분별하다, unravel[ʌnrǽvəl]해걸하다 ant. exit[égzit, éksit], withdraw[wiðdrɔ́ː] misconstrue[mìskənstrúː]오해하다, 잘못 해석하다.
A partial fusion of these peoples took place during this time, and new relatively homogeneous political societies were formed within the new frontiers. In western and central Europe, this evolution led to a situation which may be said to have crystallized and become definitive in its main features in the course of the nineteenth century. In the East and Southeast, on the other hand, the evolution did not reach this stage; it stopped with the coexistence of nationalities which failed to merge. Each could lay some claim to rightful ownership of the land. One might claim territorial rights by virtue of longer possession or superiority of numbers, while another might point to its contribution in developing the land. The only practical solution would have been for the two groups to agree to live together in the same territory and in a single political society, in accordance with a compromise acceptable to both. It would have been necessary, however, for this state of affairs to have been reached before the two third of the nineteenth century. For, from then on, there was increasingly vigorous development of national consciousness which brought with it serious consequences. This development no longer allowed peoples to be guided by historical realities and by reason.
본문해석+문법분석
A partial fusion of these peoples took place during this time, and new relatively homogeneous political societies were formed within the new frontiers.
- 이러한 민족들의 불완전한 융합은 이 시기 동안에 일어났고 새로 나타난 비교적 동질의 정치적 사회가 새로운 국경 안에서 형성되었습니다.
- took place[=happened, occurred] / during + 명사[this time] / were formed[형성되었다]
- partial [pɑ́ːrʃəl] a. 부분적인, 불완전한, 불공평한, 편파적인(prejudiced) / fusion [fjúːʒ-ən] n. C 연합체 / relatively [rélətivli] ad. 비교적 / homogeneous [hòuməʤíːniəs, hɑ́m-] a. 동종[동질, 균질]의 / frontier [frʌntíəːr] n. ① 국경, 국경 지방; (pl.) 국내, 영역(내).
In western and central Europe, this evolution led to a situation which may be said to have crystallized and become definitive in its main features in the course of the nineteenth century.
- 서부와 중앙 유럽에서 이 점진적 변화는 19세기 동안 주요 특징으로 구체화 되었고 명확히 되었다고 일컬어지는 것 같은 상황이 되었습니다.
- in the course of ┅의 경과 중에, ┅동안에 (during)
- evolution [èvəlúːʃən] n. U 발전, 진전, (사회적·정치적·경제적인) 점진적 변화 / crystallize [krístəlàiz] vt. (사상·계획 등을) 구체화하다(into) / definitive [difínətiv] a. 결정적인, 명확한; 완성된 / feature [fíːtʃər] n. ① 용모, 얼굴. ② 특징, 특색(of). ③ (신문·잡지 따위) 특집기사
In the East and Southeast, on the other hand, the evolution did not reach this stage; it stopped with the coexistence of nationalities which failed to merge. Each could lay some claim to rightful ownership of the land.
- 동쪽과 남동쪽에서, 다른 한편으로, 그 점진적 변화는 이런 단계에 이르지 못하였습니다. 즉, 그것은 합병하지 못한 국가들의 공존으로 멈추었습니다. 각각의 국가들은 영토의 정당한 소유권을 주장할 수 있었습니다.
- it[=the evolution] / failed to[~하지 못했다] / ♣lay [make] claim to ┅에 대한 권리를[소유권을] 주장하다, ┅을 제 것이라고 주장하다; ┅을 자칭하다
- coexistence [couigzístəns] n. 공존 / merge [məːrdʒ] vi. 합병[합동]하다(in, into; with) / ownership [óunərʃìp] n. U 소유권.
One might claim territorial rights by virtue of longer possession or superiority of numbers, while another might point to its contribution in developing the land.
- 어떤 국가는 장기적인 소유 또는 구성원의 우월성을 내세워 영토 권리를 주장하였던 것 같고, 반면 다른 국가들은 그 영토를 발전시킨데 공헌한 것을 주장하였던 것 같습니다.
- One (nation) / might[「시제의 일치에 의한 과거 꼴로서 종속절에 쓰이어 may의 여러 뜻을 나타냄」 a) 「가능성·추측」 ┅일지도 모른다.] / point to[~을 지적하다, 주장하다]
- territorial [tèrətɔ́ːriəl] a. 영토의; 사유[점유지]의; 토지의 / by [in] virtue of ~의 힘으로, ~의 덕택으로 / superiority [supìəriɔ́(ː)rəti] n. U 우월, 우세(to; over). [opp.] inferiority
The only practical solution would have been for the two groups to agree to live together in the same territory and in a single political society, in accordance with a compromise acceptable to both.
- 유일한 실리적인 해결책은 두 집단이 같은 영토 내에서 그리고 단 하나의 정치적 사회 속에서, 양진영의 수용할 만한 타협에 따라, 더불어 사는 것에 동의를 했을 것입니다.
- would[「과거의 가능성·추측」 했을[이었을] 것이다, ┅했을[이었을]지도 모른다.] / for A[the two groups] to agree ~[A가 ~을 동의하는 것]
- in accordance with ~에 따라, ~와 일치하여 / compromise [kɑ́mprəmàiz] n. U,C ① 타협, 화해, 양보. ② 타협[절충]안; 절충[중간]물(between) / acceptable [ækséptəbəl] a. 받아들일 수 있는, 마음에 드는
It would have been necessary, however, for this state of affairs to have been reached before the two third of the nineteenth century.
- 그러나, 이 불행한 사태는 19세기 중반전에 도달될 필요성이 있었던 것 같습니다.
- It[가주어] / would have been necessary[과거의 가능성, 추측: 필요했던 것 같다] / for A[의미상의 주어: this state of affairs] to[진주어, 완료형 부정사: have been reached 도달했던 것]
- state of affairs 형세, 사태: a pretty[an unhappy] state of ∼s 곤란한[불행한] 사태.
For, from then on, there was increasingly vigorous development of national consciousness which brought with it serious consequences. This development no longer allowed peoples to be guided by historical realities and by reason.
- 왜냐하면, 그때부터, 중대한 결과를 초래한 민족적 의식의 점진적인 왕성한 진전이 있었기 때문입니다. 이러한 발전은 더 이상 민족들이 역사적 실체와 이성으로 인도되는 것을 허락지 않았습니다.
- For[=Because] / which[주격 관계대명사] brought with it[=development] serious consequences[brought의 목적어] : 발전과 더불어 심각한 결과를 초래했다. / no longer[부사: 더 이상 ~이 아닌] / allowed + A[목적어: peoples] + to B[부정사: be guided by] : A가 B하는 것을 허락하다.
- vigorous [vígərəs] a. 정력 왕성한, 활발한, 박력 있는 / consciousness [kɑ́nʃəsnis / kɔ́n-] n. U 자각, 의식, 알아챔
동의어/반의어
- partial a. biased[báiəst], partisan[pɑ́ːrtəzən]당파심이 강한, prejudiced[prédʒədist]편파적인, subjective[səbdʒéktiv]주관적인, fractional[frǽkʃən-əl]단편의, fragmentary[frǽgməntèri], incomplete[ìnkəmplíːt], sectional[sékʃ-ən-əl] ant. objective[əbdʒéktiv]주관적인 whole[houl]
- homogeneous a. alike[əláik], consistent[kənsístənt], identical[kənsístənt], similar[símələːr], uniform[júːnəfɔ̀ːrm], unvarying[ʌnvɛ́əriiŋ]
- definitive a. absolute[ǽbsəlùt], authoritative[ɔ(:)ɵɔ́ritət], exhaustive[igzɔ́ːstiv]철저한, explicit[iksplísit] ant. tentative[téntətiv]시험적인, questionable[kwéstʃənəbəl]
- vigorous a. exuberant[igzúːbərənt], spirited[spíritid], vital[váitl], hardy[hɑ́ːrdi] ant. passive[pǽsiv]수동적인, frail[freil]의지가 약한
The First World War, then, had its origins in the conditions which prevailed in eastern and southeastern Europe. The new order created after both world wars bare in its turn the seeds of a future conflict. Any new postwar structure is bound to contain the seeds of conflict unless it takes account of historical fact and is designed to provide a just and objective solution to problems in the light of that fact. Only such a solution can be really permanent. Historical reality is trampled underfoot if, when two peoples have rival historical claims to the same country, the claims of only one are recognized. The titles which two nations hold to disputed parts of Europe never have more than a relative value since the peoples of both are, in effect, immigrants. Similarly, we are guilty of contempt for history if, in establishing a new order, we fail to take economic realities into consideration when frontiers. Such is the case if we draw a boundary so as to deprive a port of its natural hinterland or raise a barrier between a region rich in raw materials and another particularly suited to exploiting them. By such measures do we create states which cannot survive economically. The most flagrant violation of historical rights, and indeed of human rights, consists in depriving certain peoples of their right to the land on which they live, thus forcing them to move to other territories. At the end of the Second World War, the victorious powers decided to impose this fate on hundreds of thousands of people, and under the most harsh conditions2; from this we can judge how little aware they were of any mission to work toward a reorganization which would be reasonably equitable and which would guarantee a propitious future.
본문해석+문법분석
The First World War, then, had its origins in the conditions which prevailed in eastern and southeastern Europe. The new order created after both world wars bear in its turn the seeds of a future conflict.
- 1차 세계대전은, 그때, 동부와 남동부 유럽에 만연한 그 상황 하에 기원이 되었습니다. 양 세계대전이 차례로 미래분쟁의 씨앗을 품은 후, 새로운 질서가 야기되었습니다.
- had its origins[기원(원인)이 되다] / bore[의 목적어는 the seeds of a future conflict] / in one's turn[차례로] /
- prevail [privéil] vi. ① 우세하다, 이기다, 극복하다(over; against). ② 널리 보급되다, 유행하다. / bear [bɛər] (bore [bɔːr], (고어) bare [bɛər]; borne, born [bɔːrn]) vt. ① 나르다, 가져[데려]가다(to). ② (악의·애정 따위를) (마음에) 품다, 지니다(against; for; toward).
Any new postwar structure is bound to contain the seeds of conflict unless it takes account of historical fact and is designed to provide a just and objective solution to problems in the light of that fact.
- 어느 새로운 전후 구조는 역사적 사실을 고려하지 않거나 그 사실에 비추어 공정하고 객관적인 문제 해결책을 제공하지 않으면 분쟁의 씨앗을 포함하기 마련입니다.
- unless[접속사: ~하지 않으면] / it[=any new postwar structure] / in the light of
- bound [baund] a. ~하지 않을 수 없는, ~하게 되어 있는 / take account of ~참작하다. ~에 주의를 기울이다.
Only such a solution can be really permanent. Historical reality is trampled underfoot if, when two peoples have rival historical claims to the same country, the claims of only one are recognized.
- 단지 그러한 해결책만이 진정 영구적인 것이 될 수 있습니다. 역사적 현실은, 두 민족이 같은 영토에 대해 적대적 역사적 주장을 할 때, 한 쪽의 주장만이 인식된다면 발아래 짓밟히게 됩니다.
- if[조건절: 만일 ~라면] / when[부사절이 삽입] / if the claims ~ recognized, when two ~ the same country.
- trample [trǽmp-əl] vt. ① 짓밟다; 밟아 뭉개다. / underfoot [ʌ̀ndərfút] ad. 발밑에, 땅에; 짓밟아서
The titles which two nations hold to disputed parts of Europe never have more than a relative value since the peoples of both are, in effect, immigrants. Similarly, we are guilty of contempt for history if, in establishing a new order, we fail to take economic realities into consideration when frontiers.
- 두 국가가 유럽의 분쟁지역에 매달려 있다는 표제는 그 두 국가의 국민들이 실제로 이민자들이기 때문에 상대적 가치 이상을 결코 가질 수 없습니다. 이와 유사하게, 새로운 질서를 확립할 때, 만일 우리가 국경이 있을 때 경제적 실체를 고려하지 않는다면 우리는 역사를 모욕하는 죄를 범하는 것입니다.
- The titles which[동격: that] / since[=because] / are guilty of[죄를 범하다] / contempt for history[역사를 모욕] / if[조건절: 만일 ~라면] / in establishing a new order[새로운 질서를 확립할 때 = when we establish a new order] / fail to[~하지 못하다] / to take economic realties into consideration[경제적 실체를 고려하다] / when (there are[exits]) frontiers[국경이 있을 때]
- hold [hould] vi. 매달려 있다(to, onto) / contempt [kəntémpt] n. U 경멸, 모욕(for), 치욕, 체면 손상.
Such is the case if we draw a boundary so as to deprive a port of its natural hinterland or raise a barrier between a region rich in raw materials and another particularly suited to exploiting them.
- 만일 우리가 원료가 풍부한 지역과 원료를 개발하기 특히 적합한 지역 사이에 항구를 이 천연적 후배지에서 박탈하거나 장벽을 쌓는 위해 경계를 긋는다는 것이 그러한 경우일 것입니다.
- such is the case[그러한 경우이다]
- hinterland [híntərlæ̀nd] n. (G) (해안·하안 따위의) 후배지(後背地) ([opp.] foreland) / exploit [iksplɔ́it] vt. 개발[개척]하다, (특색 등을) 살리다, 활용하다.
By such measures do we create states which cannot survive economically. The most flagrant violation of historical rights, and indeed of human rights, consists in depriving certain peoples of their right to the land on which they live, thus forcing them to move to other territories.
- 그러한 방책으로 우리는 경제적으로 생존할 수 없는 국가를 만듭니다. 역사적인 권리, 특히 인권의 가장 악명 높은 침해는 특정한 민족에게서 그들이 살고 있는 영토의 권리를 박탈하여 그들을 다른 영토로 이주시키는 것을 포함합니다.
- By such measures[그러한 조치(수단)로 인해] / states which[주격 관계대명사] / The most flagrant ~[최상급: 가장 악명 높은] / consists in[~을 포함하다] / the land on which they live[그들이 살고 있는 땅] / consists in depriving ~, and thus (consists in) forcing
- flagrant [fléigrənt] a. 극악(무도)한, 악명 높은(notorious); 언어도단의( scandalous)
At the end of the Second World War, the victorious powers decided to impose this fate on hundreds of thousands of people, and under the most harsh conditions; from this we can judge how little aware they were of any mission to work toward a reorganization which would be reasonably equitable and which would guarantee a propitious future.
- 제 2차 세계대전이 끝났을 때, 승리한 열강들은 가장 혹독한 상황 하에 수 십 만의 사람들에게 이런 운명을 부과하기로 결정했습니다. 즉, 이것으로부터 그들은 이성적으로 정당하고 순조로운 미래를 보장할 것 같은 인식으로 전진할 어떠한 임무를 거의 깨닫지 못했다고 우린 판단할 수 있습니다.
- impose A[this fate] on B : A를 B에 지우다 / how little aware they were[도치문: 그들이 거의 깨닫지 못하는] / be aware of[인식하다] / work toward[전진하다]
- impose [impóuz] vt. 부과하다, (inflict) (on, upon). 강요[강제]하다 (force)(on, upon). / harsh [hɑːrʃ] a. 호된, 모진. 가혹한(to). / propitious [prəpíʃəs] a. 상서로운, 길조의, 자비로운, 행운의
동의어/반의어
- contempt n. derision[diríʒən], disdain[disdéin], ridicule[rídikjùːl], scorn[skɔːrn], abhorrence[æbhɔ́ːrəns], aversion[əvə́ːrʒən], disgust[disgʌ́st], distaste[distéist], revulsion[rivʌ́lʃ-ən] ant. admiration[æ̀dməréiʃən], respect[rispékt]
- propitious a. auspicious[ɔːspíʃəs], advantageous[æ̀dvəntéidʒəs], beneficial[bènəfíʃəl], favorable[féivərəbəl], promising[prɑ́məsiŋ] ant. unlucky[ʌnlʌ́ki], unfavorable[ʌnféivərəbəl]
Our situation ever since the Second World War has been characterized essentially by the fact that no peace treaty has yet been signed. It was only through agreements of a truce-like nature that the war came to an end; and it is indeed because of our inability to effect a reorganization, however elemental, that we are obliged to be content with these truces which, dictated by the needs of the moment, can have no foreseeable future. This then is the present situation. How do we perceive the problem of peace now? In quite a new light - different to the same extent that modern war is different from war in the past. War now employs weapons of death and destruction incomparably more effective than those of the past and is consequently a worse evil than ever before. Heretofore war could be regarded as an evil to which men must resign themselves because it served progress and was even necessary to it. One could argue that thanks to war the peoples with the strongest virtues survived; thus determining the course of history. It could be claimed, for example, that the victory of Cyrus over the Babylonians created an empire in the Near East with a civilization higher than that which it supplanted, and that Alexander the Great's victory in its turn opened the way, from the Nile to the Indus, for Greek civilization. The reverse, however, sometimes occurred when war led to the replacement of a superior civilization by an inferior one, as it did, for instance, in the seventh century and at the beginning of the eighth when the Arabs gained mastery over Persia, Asia Minor, Palestine, North Africa, and Spain, countries that had hitherto flourished under a Greco-Roman civilization.
본문해석+문법분석
Our situation ever since the Second World War has been characterized essentially by the fact that no peace treaty has yet been signed.
- 우리의 상황은 2차 세계대전 이후로 어떠한 평화조약도 아직 서명된 적이 없다는 사실에 본질적인 특징을 이뤄왔습니다.
- ever since[전치사구: ~이후로] / has been characterized[현재완료 경험: ~특징을 이뤘다] / by the fact that[동격절: ~라는 사실로]
- cháracterìze [-ràiz] vt. ~의 특색을 이루다, 특징 지우다. / treaty [tríːti] n. 조약, 협정, 맹약; 조약문서
It was only through agreements of a truce-like nature that the war came to an end; and it is indeed because of our inability to effect a reorganization, however elemental, that we are obliged to be content with these truces which, dictated by the needs of the moment, can have no foreseeable future.
- 전쟁을 끝낸 것을 바로 휴전과 같은 특징적 협정을 통해서만 가능했습니다. ; 그리고, 절대적이었다 할지라도, 그 순간의 필요성에 지시되어, 우리가 전혀 예측할 수 없는 미래의 이러한 휴전에 만족하지 않을 수 없다는 것은 바로 재편을 실행하는 우리의 무능력 때문입니다.
- [강조용법] It was A[only through nature] that B[the war ~ end] : B하는 것은 바로 A이다. / [강조용법] it is ~ a reorganization, [양보절] however (it is) elemental[비록 그것(휴전)이 꼭 필요할지라도] / we are obliged to[마지못해 ~ 하다] / [삽입 부사절] (as we are) dictated by ~ [~의해 지시를 받아]
- agreement [ǝgríːmǝnt] n. 협정, 조약, 협약(서); 계약(서) / effect [ifékt] vt. 실행하다; (목적 따위를) 성취하다, 완수하다 / elemental [èlǝméntl] ɑ. 기본적인, 본질적인, 절대적인 / dictate [díkteit́] vt. 명령하다, 지시하다(to)
This then is the present situation. How do we perceive the problem of peace now? In quite a new light - different to the same extent that modern war is different from war in the past.
- 게다가 이것은 현재의 상황입니다. 우리는 지금 평화의 문제를 어떻게 인식하고 있나요? 아주 새로운 관점에서 - 현대전은 과거와는 다르다는 정도에서 차이를 보이는
- in quite a new light[아주 새로운 관점에서] / to the same extent that[~라는 같은 정도로] / A[modern war 현대전] is different from B[war in the past] A는 B와 다르다.
- perceive [pǝrsíːv] vt. …을 눈치채다, 인식하다
War now employs weapons of death and destruction incomparably more effective than those of the past and is consequently a worse evil than ever before.
- 오늘날의 전쟁은 과거의 것보다 더 훨씬 더 효과적인 살상과 파괴의 무기를 사용하고 결과적으로 과거보다 더욱 사악한 악이 되었습니다.
- [형용사구] of death and destruction[치명적이고 파괴적인] / (which are) incomparably more / those[=weapons]
- employ [emplɔ́i] vt. (물건, 수단을) 사용하다
Heretofore war could be regarded as an evil to which men must resign themselves because it served progress and was even necessary to it.
- 지금까지 전쟁은 진보에 기여했고 진보에 아주 긴요했기 때문에 인간은 스스로 필요악으로서 전쟁을 생각했습니다.
- war could be regarded as an evil[전쟁을 필요악으로 간주할 수 있었다] / resign themselves to an evil[스스로 전쟁이라는 악을 따르다] / it[=war] served ~ necessary to it[=progress]
- hèretofóre ɑd. 지금까지(에는)(hitherto), 이전에(는) / resign [rizáin] vt. ⦗보통 ~ oneself 또는 수동태⦘ 몸을 맡기다, 따르다(to)
One could argue that thanks to war the peoples with the strongest virtues survived; thus determining the course of history.
- 누군가는 전쟁덕분에 가장 강인한 덕망을 갖춘 민족들이 생존해, 역사의 진행과정을 결정할 수 있었다고 주장할지 모릅니다.
- One[(막연히) 누군가] could[가정법: ~일 것 같다] / thanks to[~덕분에] / thus determining[=and thus determined 그리하여 결정했다]
- argue [άːrgjuː] vt. 논하다, 의론하다. 주장하다.
It could be claimed, for example, that the victory of Cyrus over the Babylonians created an empire in the Near East with a civilization higher than that which it supplanted, and that Alexander the Great's victory in its turn opened the way, from the Nile to the Indus, for Greek civilization.
- 예를 들어, 바빌로니아를 정복한 키루스는 탈취한 것 보다 더 고도의 문명을 근동지역에 제국을 건설하였고, 그 다음 알렉산더 대왕은 그리스 문명을 위해 나일에서부터 인더스에 이르는 길을 개척하였다고 주장할지 모릅니다.
- It[가주어] could be claimed[가정법: ~ 주장할지 모른다] / that[진주어] / higher than that[=a civilization] / in its turn[차례로]
- Cy·rus [sáiərǝs] n. 키루스《기원전 6세기경의 페르시아 왕; 페르시아 제국 건설자》/ Babylonian [bæ̀bǝlóuniǝn, -njǝn] n. 바빌로니아 사람 / supplant [sǝplǽnt, -plάːnt] vt. 밀어내다; (책략 따위를 써서) 대신 들어앉다, 탈취하다; …에 대신하다.
The reverse, however, sometimes occurred when war led to the replacement of a superior civilization by an inferior one, as it did, for instance, in the seventh century and at the beginning of the eighth when the Arabs gained mastery over Persia, Asia Minor, Palestine, North Africa, and Spain, countries that had hitherto flourished under a Greco-Roman civilization.
- 그러나, 때때로 반대의 상황이 일어났습니다. 예를 들어, 전쟁은 열등한 문명에 의해 우월한 문명의 자리를 대신했고, 그래왔듯, 7세기와 8세기 초에 아랍은 페르시아, 소아시아, 팔레스타인, 북아프리카, 그리고 스페인 같은 그리스 로마 문명 아래 번성했던 국가들을 정복했을 때가 그러했습니다.
- The reverse[그 반대 상황] / occurred when[~ 때 일어났다] ~ when the Arabs ~ / led to[lead to의 과거: ~의 원인이 되다] / an inferior one[=civilization] / as it did[그래왔듯]
- re·pláce·ment n. 제자리에 되돌림, 교체, 대치; 복직; 대신, 후계. / gain [get, obtain] the mastery of 지배권[력]을 획득하다, ~을 지배하다, ~에 숙달〔정통〕하다. / flour·ish [flə́ːriʃ] vi. 번영하다(thrive)
동의어/반의어
- characterize v. depict[dipíkt], describe[diskráib], illustrate[ílǝstrèit], portray[pɔːrtréi], distinguish[distíŋgwiʃ], identify[aidéntǝfài], symbolize[símbəlàiz], typify[típǝfài]
- supplant v. depose[dipóuz]물러나게 하다, displace[displéis], replace[ripléis], supersede[sùːpǝrsíːd]~의 지위를 빼앗다, substitute[sʌ́bstitjùːt
It would seem then that, in the past, war could operate just as well in favor of progress as against it. It is with much less conviction that we can claim modern war to be an agent of progress. The evil that it embodies weighs more heavily on us than ever before. It is pertinent to recall that the generation preceding 1914 approved the enormous stockpiling of armaments. The argument was that a military decision would be reached with rapidity and that very brief wars could be expected. This opinion was accepted without contradiction. Because they anticipated the progressive humanization of the methods of war, people also believed that the evils resulting from future conflicts would be relatively slight. This supposition grew out of the obligations accepted by nations under the terms of the Geneva Convention of 1864, following the efforts of the Red Cross. Mutual guarantees were exchanged concerning care for the wounded, the humane treatment of prisoners of war, and the welfare of the civilian population. This convention did indeed achieve some significant results for which hundreds of thousands of combatants and civilians were to be thankful in the wars to come. But, compared to the miseries of war, which have grown beyond all proportion with the introduction of modern weapons of death and destruction, they are trivial indeed. Truly, it cannot be a question of humanizing war.
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It would seem then that, in the past, war could operate just as well in favor of progress as against it. It is with much less conviction that we can claim modern war to be an agent of progress. The evil that it embodies weighs more heavily on us than ever before.
- 과거에, 전쟁은 반대하는 것만큼 진보를 지지하여 잘 수행될 수 있었던 것 같습니다. 우리가 현대전은 진보의 매개체라 주장할 수 있는 것은 훨씬 설득력이 떨어집니다. 전쟁이 구체화시키는 악은 과거보다 더 우리에게 더욱 심한 중압감을 줍니다.
- It[가주어] would seem that[진주어: ~인 것 같다] / could operate just as well A[in favor of progress] as B[against it[=progress]] B를 반대하는 것만큼 A를 지지하여(핑계 삼아) 잘 수행될 수 있었다. / [강조용법] It is ~ much less conviction[훨씬 덜한 설득력] / weights more heavily on us[우리게 훨씬 더 중압감을 주다]
- in favor of …에 찬성〔지지〕하여, …에 편을 들어 / con·vic·tion [kǝnvíkʃən] n. 신념, 확신, 설득(력), 설득 행위, 양심의 가책. / em·body [embάdi] vt. (사상·감정 따위를) 구체화하다, 유형화하다.
It is pertinent to recall that the generation preceding 1914 approved the enormous stockpiling of armaments. The argument was that a military decision would be reached with rapidity and that very brief wars could be expected.
- 1914년 이전의 세대는 무기의 거대한 비축을 인정했다고 회상하는 지당합니다. 그 주장은 군사적 결정은 급속히 이뤄졌을 것이고 아주 간단한 전쟁도 기대될 수 있었다는 것입니다.
- It[가주어]+동사+형용사+to부정사[진주어: recall] that[~라는 것은 적절하다] / wold be reached[가정법: ~였을 것이다]
- pertinent [pə́ːrtǝnǝnt] ɑ. 타당한, 적절한(to) / stóckpìle n. 비축(량)
This opinion was accepted without contradiction. Because they anticipated the progressive humanization of the methods of war, people also believed that the evils resulting from future conflicts would be relatively slight.
- 이런 견해는 반대 없이 수용되었습니다. 왜냐하면 그들은 전쟁의 여러 방식을 통한 진보적 인간화를 기대했기 때문에, 사람들은 또한 미래 분쟁의 원인이 되는 악이 상대적으로 하찮을 것이라고 믿었습니다.
- the evils (which were) resulting from[~의 원인이 되는 악행] / would be[~일 것이다]
- contradiction [kὰntrǝdíkʃən/kɔ̀n-] n. 부인, 부정, 반대 • in ~ to …에 반하여, …와 정반대로, 모순, 모순된 행위 / an·tic·i·pate [æntísǝpèit] vt. 예상하다, 기대하다. / hùmanizátion n. 인간성 부여, 인간화, 교화.
This supposition grew out of the obligations accepted by nations under the terms of the Geneva Convention of 1864, following the efforts of the Red Cross. Mutual guarantees were exchanged concerning care for the wounded, the humane treatment of prisoners of war, and the welfare of the civilian population.
- 이 가설은 적십자의 노력에 따른, 1864년 제네바 협정의 협약 아래 국가들이 수용한 의무로 출현했습니다. 상호 보장은 부상자 치료, 전쟁포로의 인간적 대접과 시민의 원조에 관해 교환되었습니다.
- grew out of[~에서 출현했다] / under the terms of[~에 따른 협약 아래] / following[~을 이후로] / concerning[=about] / the wounded[부상자들]
- supposition [sʌ̀pǝzíʃən] n. 상상, 추측 가정, 가설. / obligation [ὰblǝgéiʃən/ɔ̀b-] n. 의무, 책임
This convention did indeed achieve some significant results for which hundreds of thousands of combatants and civilians were to be thankful in the wars to come.
- 이 협정은 수 십 만의 병사들과 시민들이 다가오는 전쟁에서 혜택을 받을 수 있었던 상당한 결과를 이루었습니다.
- ~ results for which[그 결과로 인해] / were to be thankful[혜택을 볼 예정이었다]
- combatant [kǝmbǽtənt] ɑ. 격투하는, 교전 중의 n. 싸우는 사람, 전투원.
But, compared to the miseries of war, which have grown beyond all proportion with the introduction of modern weapons of death and destruction, they are trivial indeed. Truly, it cannot be a question of humanizing war.
- 그러나, 현대전의 치명적 무기의 도래와 불균형을 이루는 전쟁의 불행과 비교하여, 그것(협정)들은 참으로 하찮습니다. 실로, 전쟁을 인간적으로 미화하는 문제가 될 수 없습니다.
- compared to[~와 비교하여] / have grown beyond[~를 능가하였다] / all proportion with[~와 비례하여] / they[=conventions] / it[=war]
- misery [mízəri] n. (pl.) 불행; (정신적·육체적) 고통, 고뇌 / húmanìze vt. 인간답게 만들다; 교화하다.
동의어/반의어
- conviction n. belief[bilíːf], creed[kriːd], opinion[əpínjən], tenet[ténət](특히 집단의) 주의(主義); 교의(敎義)(doctrine)., view[vjuː], certainty[sə́ːrtənti], confidence[kɑ́nfidəns], fervor[fə́ːrvər]열정, intensity[inténsəti], judgment[dʒʌ́dʒmənt], penalty[pénəlti], sentence[séntəns] ant. skepticism[sképtəsìz-əm], doubt[daut], pardon[pɑ́ːrdn]
- humanize a. benevolent[bənévələnt]자비심 많은, 친절한, kindly[káindli], merciful[mə́ːrsifəl], sensitive[sénsətiv], tender[téndəːr] ant. brutal[brúːtl]
The concept of the brief war and that of the humanization of its methods, propounded as they were on the eve of war in 1914, led people to take the war less seriously than they should have. They regarded it as a storm which was to clear the political air and as an event which was to end the arms race that was ruining nations.
While some lightheartedly supported the war on account of the profits they expected to gain from it, others did so from a more noble motive: this war must be the war to end all wars. Many a brave man set out for battle in the belief that he was fighting for a day when war would no longer exist. In this conflict, just as in that of 1939, these two concepts proved to be completely wrong. Slaughter and destruction continued year after year and were carried on in the most inhumane way. In contrast to the war of 18704.the duel was not between two isolated nations, but between two great groups of nations, so that a large share of mankind became embroiled, thus compounding the tragedy.
Since we now know what a terrible evil war is, we must spare no effort to prevent its recurrence. To this reason must also be added an ethical one: In the course of the last two wars, we have been guilty of acts of inhumanity which make one shudder, and in any future war we would certainly be guilty of even worse. This must not happen!
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The concept of the brief war and that of the humanization of its methods, propounded as they were on the eve of war in 1914, led people to take the war less seriously than they should have.
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They regarded it as a storm which was to clear the political air and as an event which was to end the arms race that was ruining nations.
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While some lightheartedly supported the war on account of the profits they expected to gain from it, others did so from a more noble motive: this war must be the war to end all wars.
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Many a brave man set out for battle in the belief that he was fighting for a day when war would no longer exist. In this conflict, just as in that of 1939, these two concepts proved to be completely wrong.
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Slaughter and destruction continued year after year and were carried on in the most inhumane way. In contrast to the war of 18704.the duel was not between two isolated nations, but between two great groups of nations, so that a large share of mankind became embroiled, thus compounding the tragedy.
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Since we now know what a terrible evil war is, we must spare no effort to prevent its recurrence. To this reason must also be added an ethical one: In the course of the last two wars, we have been guilty of acts of inhumanity which make one shudder, and in any future war we would certainly be guilty of even worse. This must not happen!
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Let us dare to face the situation. Man has become superman. He is a superman because he not only has at his disposal innate physical forces, but also commands, thanks to scientific and technological advances, the latent forces of nature which he can now put to his own use. To kill at a distance, man used to rely solely on his own physical strength; he used it to bend the bow and to release the arrow. The superman has progressed to the stage where, thanks to a device designed for the purpose, he can use the energy released by the combustion of a given combination of chemical products. This enables him to employ a much more effective projectile and to propel it over far greater distances. However, the superman suffers from a fatal flaw. He has failed to rise to the level of superhuman reason which should match that of his superhuman strength. He requires such reason to put this vast power to solely reasonable and useful ends and not to destructive and murderous ones. Because he lacks it, the conquests of science and technology become a mortal danger to him rather than a blessing.
In this context is it not significant that the first great scientific discovery, the harnessing of the force resulting from the combustion of gunpowder, was seen at first only as a means of killing at a distance?
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The conquest of the air, thanks to the internal-combustion engine, marked a decisive advance for humanity. Yet men grasped at once the opportunity it offered to kill and destroy from the skies. This invention underlined a fact which had hitherto been steadfastly denied: the more the superman gains in strength, the poorer he becomes. To avoid exposing himself completely to the destruction unleashed from the skies, he is obliged to seek refuge underground like a hunted animal. At the same time he must resign himself to abetting the unprecedented destruction of cultural values. A new stage was reached with the discovery and subsequent utilization of the vast forces liberated by the splitting of the atom. After a time, it was found that the destructive potential of a bomb armed with such was incalculable, and that even large-scale tests could unleash catastrophes threatening the very existence of the human race. Only now has the full horror of our position become obvious. No longer can we evade the question of the future of mankind. But the essential fact which we should acknowledge in our conscience, and which we should have acknowledged a long time ago, is that we are becoming inhuman to the extent that we become supermen. We have learned to tolerate the facts of war: that men are killed en masse -some twenty million in the Second World War - that whole cities and their inhabitants are annihilated by the atomic bomb, that men are turned into living torches by incendiary bombs. We learn of these things from the radio or newspapers and we judge them according to whether they signify success for the group of peoples to which we belong, or for our enemies. When we do admit to ourselves that such acts are the results of inhuman conduct, our admission is accompanied by the thought that the very fact of war itself leaves us no option but to accept them. In resigning ourselves to our fate without a struggle, we are guilty of inhumanity.
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What really matters is that we should all of us realize that we are guilty of inhumanity. The horror of this realization should shake us out of our lethargy so that we can direct our hopes and our intentions to the coming of an era in which war will have no place.
This hope and this will can have but one aim: to attain, through a change in spirit, that superior reason which will dissuade us from misusing the power at our disposal.
The first to have the courage to advance purely ethical arguments against war and to stress the necessity for reason governed by an ethical will was the great humanist Erasmus of Rotterdam in his Querela pacis (The Complaint of Peace) which appeared in 15175. In this book he depicts Peace on stage seeking an audience.
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Erasmus found few adherents to his way of thinking. To expect the affirmation of an ethical necessity to point the way to peace was considered a utopian ideal. Kant shared this opinion. In his essay on "Perpetual Peace", which appeared in 17956, and in other publications in which he touches upon the problem of peace, he states his belief that peace will come only with the increasing authority of an international code of law, in accordance with which an international court of arbitration would settle disputes between nations. This authority, he maintains, should be based entirely on the increasing respect which in time, and for purely practical motives, men will hold for the law as such. Kant is unremitting in his insistence that the idea of a league of nations cannot be hoped for as the outcome of ethical argument, but only as the result of the perfecting of law. He believes that this process of perfecting will come of itself. In his opinion, "nature, that great artist" will lead men, very gradually, it is true, and over a very long period of time, through the march of history and the misery of wars, to agree on an international code of law which will guarantee perpetual peace.
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A plan for a league of nations having powers of arbitration was first formulated with some precision by Sully, the friend and minister of Henry IV. It was given detailed treatment by the Abbé Castel de Saint-Pierre in three works, the most important of which bears the title Projet de paix perpétuelle entre les souverains chrétiens [Plan for Perpetual Peace between Christian Sovereigns]. Kant was aware of the views it developed, probably from an extract which Rousseau published in 17617. Today we can judge the efficacy of international institutions by the experience we have had with the League of Nations in Geneva and with the United Nations. Such institutions can render important services by offering to mediate conflicts at their very inception, by taking the initiative in setting up international projects, and by other actions of a similar nature, depending on the circumstances. One of the League of Nations' most important achievements was the creation in 1922 of an internationally valid passport for the benefit of those who became stateless as a consequence of war8. What a position those people would have been in if this travel document had not been devised through Nansen's initiative! What would have been the fate of displaced persons after 1945 if the United Nations had not existed!
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Nevertheless these two institutions have been unable to bring about peace. Their efforts were doomed to fail since they were obliged to undertake them in a world in which there was no prevailing spirit directed toward peace. And being only legal institutions, they were unable to create such a spirit. The ethical spirit alone has the power to generate it. Kant deceived himself in thinking that he could dispense with it in his search for peace. We must follow the road on which he turned his back.
What is more, we just cannot wait the extremely long time he deemed necessary for this movement toward peace to mature. War today means annihilation, a fact that Kant did not foresee. Decisive steps must be taken to ensure peace, and decisive results obtained without delay. Only through the spirit can all this be done. Is the spirit capable of achieving what we in our distress must expect of it? Let us not underestimate its power, the evidence of which can be seen throughout the history of mankind. The spirit created this humanitarianism which is the origin of all progress toward some form of higher existence. Inspired by humanitarianism we are true to ourselves and capable of creating. Inspired by a contrary spirit we are unfaithful to ourselves and fall prey to all manner of error.
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The height to which the spirit can ascend was revealed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It led those peoples of Europe who possessed it out of the Middle Ages, putting an end to superstition, witch hunts, torture, and a multitude of other forms of cruelty or traditional folly. It replaced the old with the new in an evolutionary way that never ceases to astonish those who observe it. All that we have ever possessed of true civilization, and indeed all that we still possess, can be traced to a manifestation of this spirit. Later, its power waned because the spirit failed to find support for its ethical character in a world preoccupied with scientific pursuits. It has been replaced by a spirit less sure of the course humanity should take and more content with lesser ideals. Today if we are to avoid our own downfall, we must commit ourselves to this spirit once again. It must bring forth a new miracle just as it did in the Middle Ages, an even greater miracle than the first.
The spirit is not dead; it lives in isolation. It has overcome the difficulty of having to exist in a world out of harmony with its ethical character. It has come to realize that it can find no home other than in the basic nature of man. The independence acquired through its acceptance of this realization is an additional asset.
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It is convinced that compassion, in which ethics takes root, does not assume its true proportions until it embraces not only man but every living being. To the old ethics, which lacked this depth and force of conviction, has been added the ethics of reverence for life, and its validity is steadily gaining in recognition.
Once more we dare to appeal to the whole man, to his capacity to think and feel, exhorting him to know himself and to be true to himself. We reaffirm our trust in the profound qualities of his nature. And our living. experiences are proving us right.
In 1950, there appeared a book entitled Témoignages d'humanité [Documents of Humanity]9, published by some professors from the University of Göttingen who had been brought together by the frightful mass expulsion of the eastern Germans in 1945. The refugees tell in simple words of the help they received in their distress from men belonging to the enemy nations, men who might well have been moved to hate them. Rarely have I been so gripped by a book as I was by this one. It is a wonderful tonic for anyone who has lost faith in humanity.
Whether peace comes or not depends on the direction in which the mentality of individuals develops and then, in turn, on that of their nations. This truth holds more meaning for us today than it did for the past. Erasmus, Sully, the Abbé Castel de Saint-Pierre, and the others who in their time were engrossed in the problem of peace dealt with princes and not with peoples. Their efforts tended to be concentrated on the establishment of a supranational authority vested with the power of arbitrating any difficulties which might arise between princes. Kant, in his essay on "Perpetual Peace", was the first to foresee an age when peoples would govern themselves and when they, no less than the sovereigns, would be concerned with the problem of peace. He thought of this evolution as progress. In his opinion, peoples would be more inclined than princes to maintain peace because it is they who bear the miseries of war.
The time has come, certainly, when governments must look on themselves as the executors of the will of the people. But Kant's reliance on the people's innate love for peace has not been justified. Because the will of the people, being the will of the crowd, has not avoided the danger of instability and the risk of emotional distraction from the path of true reason, it has failed to demonstrate a vital sense of responsibility. Nationalism of the worst sort was displayed in the last two wars, and it may be regarded today as the greatest obstacle to mutual understanding between peoples.
Such nationalism can be repulsed only through the rebirth of a humanitarian ideal among men which will make their allegiance to their country a natural one inspired by genuine ideals.
Spurious nationalism is rampant in countries across the seas too, especially among those peoples who formerly lived under white domination and who have recently gained their independence. They are in danger of allowing nationalism to become their one and only ideal. Indeed, peace, which had prevailed until now in many areas, is today in jeopardy.
These peoples, too, can overcome their naive nationalism only by adopting a humanitarian ideal. But how is such a change to be brought about? Only when the spirit becomes a living force within us and leads us to a civilization based on the humanitarian ideal, will it act, through us, upon these peoples. All men, even the semicivilized and the primitive, are, as beings capable of compassion, able to develop a humanitarian spirit. It abides within them like tinder ready to be lit, waiting only for a spark.
The idea that the reign of peace must come one day has been given expression by a number of peoples who have attained a certain level of civilization. In Palestine it appeared for the first time in the words of the prophet Amos in the eighth century B.C.10, and it continues to live in the Jewish and Christian religions as the belief in the Kingdom of God. It figures in the doctrine taught by the great Chinese thinkers: Confucius and Lao-tse in the sixth century B.C., Mi-tse in the fifth, and Meng-tse in the fourth11. It reappears in Tolstoy12 and in other contemporary European thinkers. People have labeled it a utopia. But the situation today is such that it must become reality in one way or another; otherwise mankind will perish.
I am well aware that what I have had to say on the problem of peace is not essentially new. It is my profound conviction that the solution lies in our rejecting war for an ethical reason; namely, that war makes us guilty of the crime of inhumanity. Erasmus of Rotterdam and several others after him have already proclaimed this as the truth around which we should rally.
The only originality I claim is that for me this truth goes hand in hand with the intellectual certainty that the human spirit is capable of creating in our time a new mentality, an ethical mentality. Inspired by this certainty, I too proclaim this truth in the hope that my testimony may help to prevent its rejection as an admirable sentiment but a practical impossibility. Many a truth has lain unnoticed for a long time, ignored simply because no one perceived its potential for becoming reality.
Only when an ideal of peace is born in the minds of the peoples will the institutions set up to maintain this peace effectively fulfill the function expected of them.
Even today, we live in an age characterized by the absence of peace; even today, nations can feel themselves threatened by other nations; even today, we must concede to each nation the right to stand ready to defend itself with the terrible weapons now at its disposal.
Such is the predicament in which we seek the first sign of the spirit in which we must place our trust. This sign can be none other than an effort on the part of peoples to atone as far as possible for the wrongs they inflicted upon each other during the last war. Hundreds of thousands of prisoners and deportees are waiting to return to their homes; others, unjustly condemned by a foreign power, await their acquittal; innumerable other injustices still await reparation.
In the name of all who toil in the cause of peace, I beg the peoples to take the first step along this new highway. Not one of them will lose a fraction of the power necessary for their own defense.
If we take this step to liquidate the injustices of the war which we have just experienced, we will instill a little confidence in all people. For any enterprise, confidence is the capital without which no effective work can be carried on. It creates in every sphere of activity conditions favoring fruitful growth. In such an atmosphere of confidence thus created we can begin to seek an equitable settlement of the problems caused by the two wars.
I believe that I have expressed the thoughts and hopes of millions of men who, in our part of the world, live in fear of war to come. May my words convey their intended meaning if they penetrate to the other part of the world - the other side of the trench - to those who live there in the same fear.
May the men who hold the destiny of peoples in their hands, studiously avoid anything that might cause the present situation to deteriorate and become even more dangerous. May they take to heart the words of the Apostle Paul: "If it be possible, as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all men".These words are valid not only for individuals, but for nations as well. May these nations, in their efforts to maintain peace, do their utmost to give the spirit time to grow and to act.
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본문해석+문법분석
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본문해석+문법분석
동의어/반의어
본문해석+문법분석
동의어/반의어
본문해석+문법분석
동의어/반의어
본문해석+문법분석
동의어/반의어
본문해석+문법분석
동의어/반의어
본문해석+문법분석
동의어/반의어
본문해석+문법분석
동의어/반의어
본문해석+문법분석
동의어/반의어
본문해석+문법분석
동의어/반의어
본문해석+문법분석
동의어/반의어
본문해석+문법분석
동의어/반의어
